Russian-Syrian relations at the present stage. Historical traditions of Russian-Syrian relations

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Putin’s propaganda seems to be singing its swan song – the Syrian one. The dying regime urgently needs a small, victorious war. In Ukraine the war is shamefully lost. The Kremlin is urgently looking for another opportunity to gain “victory,” at least on TV. In this regard, I decided to do a small educational program on Syria.

Myth No. 1. Russia has a military base in Syria, we must defend it!
Anyone who says that has no idea what a military base is. Just in case, I inform you that Putin has surrendered all military bases outside the CIS. Under him, the Russian military left Cam Ranh (Vietnam) and Lourdes (Cuba). Also, our “peacemaker” Vova escorted Russian troops out of Georgia, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan. By the way, according to the agreement with Georgia, Russian troops were supposed to remain there until 2020, but the United States offered GDP money to remove them from there. And in 2007 he obediently fulfilled his wishes, and ahead of schedule! A few months later, the war broke out in South Ossetia. We draw our own conclusions...

So, Russia does not have any military base in Syrian Tartus; since 1971, the 720th logistics support point of the USSR Navy has been located there on the territory of the 63rd brigade of the Syrian Navy. The point was intended for the repair of ships of the 5th operational (Mediterranean) squadron, supplying them with fuel, water and consumables(not ammunition!). The Mediterranean squadron of the Soviet fleet consisted of 70-80 pennants, sometimes the number reached hundreds, so a supply base was necessary. For reference: now all four Russian fleets taken together are not able to allocate even a three times smaller group for presence in the world's oceans. The Mediterranean squadron was disbanded on December 31, 1991, and since then Tartus has lost all significance.

Tell me, why is there a supply point if there is NO ONE TO SUPPLY? Actually, there is no supply point. As of 2012, the entire staff of the “military base” was 4 (FOUR!!!) military personnel, but in fact the “contingent” was half as large. In 2002, the staff was still 50 people. Of the two floating piers, one is out of order. There is no military equipment, no weapons, no repair equipment, no personnel at the 720th point; it is not able to service ships.

Well, shall we still talk about “our outpost in the Middle East” with an area of ​​one and a half hectares, gentlemen? Maybe you can fantasize about the strategic importance of two hangars on the shore, in which several tankers are rusting? However, officials in Moscow officially deny the need for a base in Tartus. Our warships, occasionally passing through the Mediterranean Sea, replenish supplies in the port of Limassol in Cyprus. The question is closed.

Myth No. 2. The Russian Federation has geopolitical interests in Syria
I wonder which ones? Well, go ahead, list them. The Russian Federation has practically no economic ties with Syria. Moscow purchased as much as $7.1 million worth of goods from Syria in 2014. Syria only consumes our weapons. Moreover, “consumes” does not mean “buys”. For the most part, they demanded it from the USSR for free and received $13 billion, of which Putin wrote off $10 billion to Damascus in 2005. Now, theoretically, the Syrians should be supplied with weapons for money, but the problem is that they don’t have a lot of money. The volume of arms supplies to Syria is unknown. In 2012, Syria ordered 36 Yak-130 combat trainers for $550 million, but the contract was not fulfilled. However, in the same year, classified supplies of military materials to Syria from the Russian Federation, according to RBC, amounted to $458.9 million. Apparently, we are again supplying weapons to the “friendly regime” for thanks.

What else connects Russia with Syria? The answer is simple: NOTHING. Before the war, the Russian Federation purchased vegetables, chemical threads and fibers, textiles from the Syrians, and sold them oil, metal, wood, and paper. However, the relative revival of trade was not entirely ensured by market methods. For example, Syria received a 25 percent discount on customs duties. After Russia’s accession to the WTO, such “friendship” is no longer possible.

In 1980, a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation was concluded between Syria and the USSR, which, in particular, implies the provision of military assistance if necessary. It has not been formally denounced. However, God forbid that we have such military allies as the Syrians! They lost all the wars they once fought with their neighbors, even the Jordanians beat the Syrians when they intervened in their showdown with Palestinian terrorists on the side of the latter. In 1973, Syria tried to recapture the Golan Heights, but was completely defeated by Israel and, when Israeli tanks were already 30 km from Damascus, only the diplomatic efforts of the USSR saved Syria from final and shameful defeat. At the same time, the Syrians managed to repay the Russians with the most sophisticated gratitude:

“Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told how in 1974, flying from Damascus to Jerusalem, he achieved an agreement on the separation of Syrian and Israeli troops. As Kissinger and President Hafez al-Assad were finalizing the document, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko flew to Damascus.

“His plane was already over Damascus,” Kissinger recalled, not without pleasure. — And Assad and I were in the midst of work. The Chief of Staff of the Syrian Air Force assured me that he would sort everything out. As a result, Gromyko's plane began to describe circles over the city. Forty-five minutes later he was almost out of fuel, and I graciously agreed to let the plane land, provided that it was placed away from mine. The plane of the Soviet minister was driven into the far corner of the airfield, where Gromyko was greeted by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, since all the senior Syrian leaders were busy negotiating with me.” (source).

Here's another episode:
“In the summer of 1976, the head of the Soviet government, Alexei Kosygin, flew to Damascus. While he was in Syria, President Hafez al-Assad, without warning the distinguished Soviet guest, sent troops into neighboring Lebanon. It turned out that the Syrian action was carried out with the blessing Soviet Union. Kosygin was extremely annoyed, but remained silent so as not to quarrel with Assad” (source).

The Kremlin flirted with the Assad regime, hoping to get a naval base and a long-range aviation base on Syrian territory, but Damascus only made vague promises and was in no hurry to fulfill them. As a result, no Soviet military bases appeared in Syria. The logistics point, as noted above, was not a military base, since warships could not be based there on a permanent basis.

By the way, independent Syria appeared on the map only thanks to the USSR - it was Moscow in 1945 that demanded the withdrawal of the French occupation contingent from the country, and after fierce battles at the UN, the French were forced to stop hostilities against the Syrians and leave the country.

In short, the benefits of such “alliance” have always been one-sided. But 30-40 years ago, the USSR was a world power and, at least theoretically, during the Cold War, it needed allies in the Middle East as a counterbalance to Israel, which had the United States behind it. Now Moscow, in principle, has no interests or opponents in the region. The Kremlin has very good relations with Israel. What is the point of friendship with the dictatorial regime of Assad, which is mediocre for the region, which is doomed in any case?

Myth No. 3. Syria is our ally in the fight against “international terrorism”
Question for experts: are Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorist groups? So, these are terrorist groups that were maintained by the Syrian regime. In Syria now some terrorists are destroying other terrorists (Hezbollah is actively fighting on Assad’s side), and no matter who wins, the terrorists will win in any case. What reason does Russia have to get involved in the squabbles of savages?

Actually, the Assad regime never hid its sympathies for terrorists, which is why back in 2004 economic sanctions were imposed against Syria by many Western countries. The following year, pressure on Syria intensified even more due to the terrorist assassination (bomb explosion) of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, who took an irreconcilably anti-Syrian position. Guess who was behind the killers? Our friend Basharchik. At the very least, the UN commission investigating the death of the ex-Prime Minister of Lebanon claims that he personally ordered the murder of the unwanted Lebanese politician. This was later confirmed by the country's Vice President Abdel-Halim Khaddam, who fled Syria in 2005.

The question arises, why did Hariri dislike Syria so much? Well, probably because most of the country was occupied by Syrian troops (the imposition of sanctions forced Damascus to end the occupation), and the south of Lebanon is controlled by Hezbollah, financed by Syria. It is now clear why the leaders of Western countries are so adamant in their desire to remove Assad: a man whose hands are up to his elbows in blood is not a handshake for them. Although, such a friend is just right for GDP.

As for “eastern humanism,” the Assad regime was one of the first. In the early 80s, a wave of Islamist uprisings swept across the country, which in 1982 even captured the city of Hama. The Syrian army has clearly demonstrated its attitude towards the disloyal population. The troops surrounded the city, exemplarily ground it into dust with the help of artillery and aircraft, and then took it by storm. It is believed that from 10 thousand to 40 thousand civilians were killed in this way - this is the bloodiest suppression of an uprising in the Middle East in modern history.

ISIS acts against the Kurds in exactly the same way, preferring scorched earth tactics.
Yes, it was not Bashar al-Assad who formally “counter-terrorized” Hama, but his dad Hafez. But the regime remained the same, and the ruling family was the same. In general, having such “allies” in the fight against terrorists, the terrorists themselves are no longer needed.

The title of our conference is “Russian-Syrian relations: traditions and prospects.” Indeed, relations between our peoples have a long, almost four-century tradition that goes far beyond the historical framework of official interstate relations established, as is known, in July 1944.

Interest of residents ancient Rus' to Syria (as the territories of modern Syria, Lebanon and Palestine were historically called) was associated with the fact that for them it was a holy land, the land where Christianity was born. The first knowledge about Syria came to Rus' thanks to church connections with the Orthodox Patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, as well as stories from pilgrims.

The oldest written monument that has come down to us telling about Syria and its people was the famous “Walk of Daniel, Abbot of the Russian Land,” which took place in Palestine in 1106–1107.

In 1652, the cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra Arseny Sukhanov came to Damascus, who was sent by the then head of the Russian Orthodox Church to describe “holy places and Greek church rites.” The information he collected was the basis for making important changes to liturgical books and church rituals in Rus'.

At the end of the 18th century. The first Russian secular work about Syria was published - “Daily Notes” by the Russian officer S.P. Pleshcheeva.

Starting from the first half of the 19th century V. Serious scientific works about Syria appear in Russian, among which a special place is occupied by “Notes of a Russian Doctor...” by A.A. Rafalovich, consular reports and reports of Konstantin Mikhailovich Basili, military topographical reviews of Lieutenant Colonel of the Russian Army P.P. Lvov and etc. By the way, according to contemporaries, the house of the Russian consul in Beirut K.M. Basili in the 40-50s of the 19th century. was the cultural center of the Syrian Orthodox community. K.M. Basili contributed to the restoration of the Orthodox printing house in Syria, as well as the opening of about 20 Orthodox schools at local religious centers.

There was also a counter movement in the form of awakening interest in Russia in Syria. Academician I.Yu. Krachkovsky notes that already in the 16th century. the eyes of certain circles of the Syrian intelligentsia “began to turn to Russia.” There is a growing number of Syrians who various reasons end up in Russia. Under Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, Patriarch Macarius of Antioch came to Russia twice (in 1654–1656 and 1666–1668), who played a large role in the process of church reforms initiated by Patriarch Nikon. Exists detailed description of these travels, compiled by the son of Patriarch Macarius Paul. Translated into Russian by a Syrian, Professor Murkos, who worked in Russia for a long time, this description is a very important source for the internal history of Muscovite Rus'.

It is curious that Pavel mentions that near Moscow he and his father met a native of Syria who served as a governor in Russia.

Russian-Syrian ties were not limited to culture and religion. Already in the middle of the 19th century. Russia ranked fourth after England, France and Egypt in the total volume of goods imported into Syria. Wheat, corn, and iron were imported from Russia. For example, in 1850, 13 ships flying the Russian flag arrived at the port of Beirut. In 1852, out of 13 cargoes of cotton exported from Syria, six cargoes were sent to Russia.

The Imperial Palestine Society, created in 1882, contributed to the increased interest in Russia in Syria. It was headed by the uncle of Emperor Nicholas II Grand Duke Sergey Alexandrovich. Under the auspices of this society, a whole network of Orthodox schools and pedagogical colleges was created in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, in which Russian teachers also worked. Moreover, according to the already mentioned academician I.Yu. Krachkovsky, these schools “in their pedagogical settings often turned out to be superior to the richly equipped institutions of various Western European and American missions. Knowledge of the Russian language rarely found practical application in the further activities of the pets, but touching Russian culture and Russian literature left an indelible mark for the rest of their lives...”1

The best graduates of these schools were sent at the expense of the Imperial Palestine Society to study in Russia. One of these students was Mikhail Nuaime, who later became a world-famous writer, who graduated from the Poltava Theological Seminary in 1911. By the way, the fame of Mikhail Nuaime in Europe was facilitated by the publication of Russian orientalists about his works.

It should be said that in general, Russian Arabic studies as a science arose and reached a high level of development, thanks primarily to Russia’s connections with Syria, Lebanon and Palestine. Such world-famous Russian Arabic scholars as O.I. Senkovsky, I.Yu. Krachkovsky, A.E. Krymsky in different times visited this region and devoted many of their scientific works to it. Russian Arabic scholars, with their translations and publications, including in European languages, contributed to the introduction of the works of Abu al-Ala al-Maarri, Amin al-Reyhani and other outstanding representatives of Syrian-Lebanese literature into scientific circulation. Academician I.Yu. Krachkovsky opened “Syro-American” literature to the whole world.

The first teachers of Arabic in Russia were immigrants from Syria. Among them was, for example, Irinei Nofal, who came to Russia in 1860. A notable contribution to the development of Soviet Arabic studies was made by a native of Nazareth, Ode-Vasilieva, who taught Arabic, including at our Diplomatic Academy.

Apparently, there were quite a few Syrians who studied in Russia through the Imperial Palestine Society. Mikhail Nuaime, in his memoirs about studying at a school created by this society, writes about a teacher there who was educated in Russia and who, in his words, “was the first who awakened patriotic feelings in us...”2. Nuaime also writes about his fellow countryman, who began his studies in Poltava a year earlier than him.

The importance that Russia attached to relations with Syria is evidenced by the fact that until 1914 it had 7 consular missions there: in Beirut, Aleppo, Damascus, Saida, Hama, Tripoli and Latakia.

With the outbreak of the First World War, for well-known reasons, ties between Russia and Syria were interrupted for a long time, only to be resumed under completely new conditions - after France was forced to recognize the independence, at first formal, of the Syrian Republic.

July 21, 1944 addressed to the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov. came a message from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Syrian Republic, Jamil Mardam Bey, which said: “Syria, driven by its admiration for the Soviet people, whose efforts and successes in the great struggle of democracy against the spirit of conquest and domination provide the basis for legitimate hopes for future freedom and equality for all nations large and small..., would be happy to establish and maintain friendly diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union."

How seriously the leadership of the USSR took this message, despite the fact that not all of the territory of the Soviet Union had yet been liberated from the fascist invaders, is evidenced by the fact that already in the same month diplomatic relations were established between the two states. The news of this was greeted with great enthusiasm by the broad masses of Syria.

In connection with the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Syrian Republic and the USSR, the Damascus newspaper wrote: “We accept with great satisfaction the establishment of friendly relations with the Soviet Union, which bears the heavy burden of the current war and has made the greatest sacrifices.”3

The Al-Islah newspaper, published in Aleppo, in its issue of the same date, in an article under the heading “We gladly accept this event and would like to express our gratitude to the Soviet Union,” wrote: “We thank the Soviet Union for its position, which proves the sincerity of his principles and good feelings...”

In November 1944, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East Alexander III, through the Soviet ambassador, congratulated the Soviet people on the 27th anniversary of the founding of the Soviet Union and expressed his desire to come to Moscow to participate in the Conference of the Supreme Orthodox Clergy to elect a patriarch. Such a trip actually took place, marking the uninterrupted connection of the Russian Orthodox Church with the Antioch Patriarchate. The Patriarch of Antioch and All the East was accompanied on this trip by Patriarch Chomsky, who had an excellent command of the Russian language, having previously studied in Russia.

The nature of the relations that were established between the USSR and Syria is evidenced by the fact that in March 1945, the Soviet government, at the request of the Syrian government, which went against the will of France in this matter, which actually retained the mandate over Syria, agreed to take upon itself the protection of the interests of Syria in Japan.

The Soviet Union supported the request of the Syrian Republic for its participation in International conference in San Francisco, as a result of which the decision was made to create the UN. In this regard, a telegram from the President of the SR Shukri Kuatli addressed to Stalin dated April 2, 1945 stated: “I am happy to express to Your Excellency my warmest gratitude for the noble position of the government of the USSR and its great leader regarding the legitimate request of Syria to participate in the conference in San Francisco. I take this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of the feeling of gratitude that Syria has towards the USSR, for the support that it never ceases to find from its outstanding leader and his respected Government.”

As you know, France refused to withdraw its troops from Syria and demanded special privileges for itself on the territory of this country. Things got to the point where French planes bombed Damascus and other Syrian cities.

The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the SR, temporarily acting as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kamil Mardam Bey, in his telegram dated May 23, 1945 addressed to Stalin, asked for support from the USSR. This telegram, in particular, said: “Your Excellency recognized the independence of Syria and excluded the provision of any privileges. France, however, demands privileges that violate Syria's independence and legal rights. Concerned with maintaining order in the Middle East and not resorting to extreme measures that could open a new phase of bloody hostilities after the end of the war in Europe, the Syrian government seeks your favorable intervention in order to obtain from France the withdrawal of its troops and respect for sovereignty Syria".

The Soviet Union's response was swift and decisive. Already on June 2, 1945, the newspaper Pravda and other Soviet media published a message from the Information Bureau of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR that the Soviet government had addressed a special statement to the government of France, as well as to the governments of the United States and China, which noted that the events in Syria and Lebanon is inconsistent with the spirit of the decisions taken at Dumbarton Oaks and the objectives of the United Nations conference taking place in San Francisco. Therefore, the Soviet government believes that urgent measures must be taken to stop military operations in Syria and Lebanon and resolve the conflict peacefully.

A variety of political forces in Syria expressed gratitude to the Soviet Union for its firm position, which helped stop French aggression against their country. A very eloquent telegram addressed to Stalin arrived from Rio de Janeiro on June 5, 1945. “On behalf of several thousand Syrians and Lebanese living in Brazil, we express our sincere gratitude for your firm position in upholding the democracy and freedom of nations and defending the sovereignty of Syria and Lebanon, recognized by your government, against French aggression. With respect, President of the Syrian-Lebanese Committee, Rizoalla Haddad."

As is known, as a result of behind-the-scenes negotiations, England and France entered into an agreement on December 13, 1945 on the further occupation of Syria and Lebanon.

In February 1946, the governments of Syria and Lebanon brought up the issue of evacuation of foreign troops for discussion in the UN Security Council. Their demand was supported by the delegations of the Soviet Union, Poland, Egypt and Mexico. But the US resolution put to a vote, reflecting the interests of England and France, practically froze the solution to the problem. In this regard, the Soviet Union, for the first time in the history of this organization, used its veto power, preventing the adoption of a decision that did not meet the national interests of Syria and Lebanon.

England and France in March 1946 were forced to agree to the withdrawal of their troops from the territories of both countries.

The day April 17, 1946, when the last foreign soldier left Syrian territory, is celebrated annually in Syria as national holiday– National Independence Day.

Thus, we can rightfully assert that the formation and successful development of multifaceted relations between independent Syria and the Soviet Union, which reached their peak in the 70–80s of the 20th century, were largely facilitated by the rich traditions that were laid down over almost four centuries mutual contacts of many generations of representatives of the Russian and Syrian peoples. The task of current and future generations of diplomats, scientists, businessmen and all citizens Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic - to continue and enrich these traditions with content appropriate to the new era. It seems that this conference, which is being held on the eve of the state visit of Syrian Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to Moscow and is organized by, in addition to the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the Syrian Arab Republic Embassy in Moscow and the Association of Syrian Citizens in the Russian Federation, is intended to make an important contribution to solving this problem.

For its part, the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, which has great scientific potential, including oriental scientists working at the Department of Oriental Languages ​​and other departments, as well as at the Institute of Current Studies international problems YES, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, with significant technical capabilities and experience, is ready to continue to cooperate with the Syrian side in the implementation of joint research and educational projects.

1 Krachkovsky I.Yu. Selected works. M.-Leningrad: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955. T. 1. P. 55.
2 Nuaime M. My seventy years. M.: Nauka, 1980, p. 11.
3 Al-Insha, 07/29/1944.

V.E. Dontsov

Published: The Middle East and modernity. Collection of articles (issue twenty-eighth). M., 2006, 266 pp. Executive editor A.O. Filonik
V.E. Dontsov. Historical traditions of Russian-Syrian relations. pp. 225-231

Almost from the moment the Syrian Arab Republic was founded, the Soviet Union provided it with diplomatic and military support in the confrontation with Israel.

In 1971, the logistics unit of the USSR Navy was founded in the Mediterranean port of Tartus. Soviet firearms, cars, tanks, planes, and missiles were supplied to Syria. Thus, Syria became the most loyal state in the Middle East to the Soviet Union.

Syria did not have the opportunity to pay the Soviet Union for the supplied weapons, so by 1992 its debt to Russia exceeded $13 billion.

The supply of Russian weapons to Syria is complicated by the country’s difficult relations with the United States and Israel. In particular, Israel has repeatedly protested against the supply of the S-300 missile defense system and MiG-31 interceptors to Syria, as well as after the start of negotiations on the possible construction of a full-fledged Russian Navy base in Tartus.

At the beginning of 2012, the Syrian government ordered 36 Yak-130 combat training aircraft

Economic ties

In 2005, in Damascus, following the results of the Third meeting of the IPC, a protocol was agreed upon, in which, along with the intention of the parties to deepen cooperation, a number of projects were identified that were of priority interest for Russian subjects of foreign economic activity. During the meeting, a Cooperation Agreement was signed between Vneshtorgbank and the Central Bank of Syria, opening up the possibility of the Syrian side accepting guarantees Russian bank to ensure the participation of our organizations in the implementation of development projects in the SAR.

At the Fourth meeting of the IPC, which took place in March 2006 in Moscow, the parties gave a positive assessment of the agreements reached between the leadership of the two countries and the signed Intergovernmental Agreement on the settlement of the debt of the Syrian Arab Republic to the Russian Federation on previously provided former USSR loans, which creates new favorable opportunities for the development of cooperation.

Participants in the Fifth Meeting of the IGC, held in Damascus in April 2007, stated that Russian-Syrian relations are experiencing a stage of confident positive development.

In 2010, contacts on the integration of Syria into the EurAsEC Customs Union intensified.

In May 2012, Syrian Finance Minister Mohammed al-Jleilati confirmed Syria's intention to continue free trade agreements with Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia. .

On August 3, 2012, Syrian Finance Minister Mohammed Jleilati announced that Russia promised to consider providing a loan to Syria.

Cultural connections

Since 1995, a program of cultural relations has been operating at the intergovernmental level. Since 1980, a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation was concluded between the Syrian Arab Republic and the USSR. There are Russian-Syrian families. A vacation for a group of Syrian children was organized by the Russian Ministry of Defense. In 2012, 40,000 graduates of Soviet and Russian universities lived in Syria. In 2011, 75-100 thousand Russian citizens lived in Syria.

See also

External links

• - review article on the history of Soviet-Syrian and Russian-Syrian relations

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An excerpt characterizing Russian-Syrian relations

Meanwhile, the Russian emperor had already lived in Vilna for more than a month, making reviews and maneuvers. Nothing was ready for the war that everyone expected and for which the emperor came from St. Petersburg to prepare. There was no general plan of action. Hesitation about which plan, out of all those that were proposed, should be adopted, only intensified even more after the emperor's month-long stay in the main apartment. The three armies each had a separate commander-in-chief, but there was no common commander over all the armies, and the emperor did not assume this title.
How lived longer The emperor in Vilna prepared less and less for war, tired of waiting for it. All the aspirations of the people surrounding the sovereign seemed to be aimed only at making the sovereign, while having a pleasant time, forget about the upcoming war.
After many balls and celebrations among the Polish magnates, among the courtiers and the sovereign himself, in June one of the Polish general adjutants of the sovereign came up with the idea of ​​giving a dinner and ball to the sovereign on behalf of his general adjutants. This idea was joyfully accepted by everyone. The Emperor agreed. The general's adjutants collected money by subscription. The person who could be most pleasing to the sovereign was invited to be the hostess of the ball. Count Bennigsen, a landowner of the Vilna province, offered his country house for this holiday, and on June 13 a dinner, ball, boat ride and fireworks display were scheduled at Zakret, Count Bennigsen's country house.
On the very day on which Napoleon gave the order to cross the Neman and his advanced troops, pushing back the Cossacks, crossed the Russian border, Alexander spent the evening at Bennigsen’s dacha - at a ball given by the general’s adjutants.
It was a cheerful, brilliant holiday; experts in the business said that rarely so many beauties gathered in one place. Countess Bezukhova, along with other Russian ladies who came for the sovereign from St. Petersburg to Vilna, was at this ball, darkening the sophisticated Polish ladies with her heavy, so-called Russian beauty. She was noticed, and the sovereign honored her with a dance.
Boris Drubetskoy, en garcon (a bachelor), as he said, having left his wife in Moscow, was also at this ball and, although not an adjutant general, was a participant for a large sum in the subscription for the ball. Boris was now a rich man, far gone in honor, no longer seeking patronage, but standing on an even footing with the highest of his peers.
At twelve o'clock at night they were still dancing. Helen, who did not have a worthy gentleman, herself offered the mazurka to Boris. They sat in the third pair. Boris, coolly looking at Helen's shiny bare shoulders protruding from her dark gauze and gold dress, talked about old acquaintances and at the same time, unnoticed by himself and others, never for a second stopped watching the sovereign, who was in the same room. The Emperor did not dance; he stood in the doorway and stopped first one or the other with those gentle words that he alone knew how to speak.
At the beginning of the mazurka, Boris saw that Adjutant General Balashev, one of the closest persons to the sovereign, approached him and stood un-courtly close to the sovereign, who was speaking with a Polish lady. After talking with the lady, the sovereign looked questioningly and, apparently realizing that Balashev acted this way only because there were important reasons, nodded slightly to the lady and turned to Balashev. As soon as Balashev began to speak, surprise was expressed on the sovereign’s face. He took Balashev by the arm and walked with him through the hall, unconsciously clearing three fathoms of wide road on both sides of those who were shunning in front of him. Boris noticed Arakcheev's excited face while the sovereign walked with Balashev. Arakcheev, looking from under his brows at the sovereign and snoring his red nose, moved out of the crowd, as if expecting that the sovereign would turn to him. (Boris realized that Arakcheev was jealous of Balashev and was dissatisfied that some obviously important news was not conveyed to the sovereign through him.)
But the sovereign and Balashev walked, without noticing Arakcheev, through the exit door into the illuminated garden. Arakcheev, holding his sword and looking around angrily, walked about twenty paces behind them.
While Boris continued to make mazurka figures, he was constantly tormented by the thought of what news Balashev had brought and how to find out about it before others.
In the figure where he had to choose ladies, whispering to Helen that he wanted to take Countess Pototskaya, who seemed to have gone out onto the balcony, he, sliding his feet along the parquet floor, ran out the exit door into the garden and, noticing the sovereign entering the terrace with Balashev , paused. The Emperor and Balashev headed towards the door. Boris, in a hurry, as if not having time to move away, respectfully pressed himself against the lintel and bowed his head.
With the emotion of a personally insulted man, the Emperor finished the following words:
- Enter Russia without declaring war. “I will make peace only when not a single armed enemy remains on my land,” he said. It seemed to Boris that the sovereign was pleased to express these words: he was pleased with the form of expression of his thoughts, but was dissatisfied with the fact that Boris heard them.
- So that no one knows anything! – the sovereign added, frowning. Boris realized that this applied to him, and, closing his eyes, bowed his head slightly. The Emperor again entered the hall and remained at the ball for about half an hour.
Boris was the first to learn the news about the crossing of the Neman by French troops and thanks to this he had the opportunity to show some important persons that he knew many things hidden from others, and through this he had the opportunity to rise higher in the opinion of these persons.

The unexpected news about the French crossing the Neman was especially unexpected after a month of unfulfilled anticipation, and at a ball! The Emperor, at the first minute of receiving the news, under the influence of indignation and insult, found what later became famous, a saying that he himself liked and fully expressed his feelings. Returning home from the ball, the sovereign at two o'clock in the morning sent for secretary Shishkov and ordered to write an order to the troops and a rescript to Field Marshal Prince Saltykov, in which he certainly demanded that the words be placed that he would not make peace until at least one the armed Frenchman will remain on Russian soil.
The next day the following letter was written to Napoleon.
“Monsieur mon frere. J"ai appris hier que malgre la loyaute avec laquelle j"ai maintenu mes engagements envers Votre Majeste, ses troupes ont franchis les frontieres de la Russie, et je recois a l"instant de Petersbourg une note par laquelle le comte Lauriston, pour cause de cette aggression, annonce que Votre Majeste s"est consideree comme en etat de guerre avec moi des le moment ou le prince Kourakine a fait la demande de ses passeports. Les motifs sur lesquels le duc de Bassano fondait son refus de les lui delivrer, n "auraient jamais pu me faire supposer que cette demarche servirait jamais de pretexte a l" aggression. En effet cet ambassadeur n"y a jamais ete autorise comme il l"a declare lui meme, et aussitot que j"en fus informe, je lui ai fait connaitre combien je le desapprouvais en lui donnant l"ordre de rester a son poste. Si Votre Majeste n"est pas intentionnee de verser le sang de nos peuples pour un malentendu de ce genre et qu"elle consente a retirer ses troupes du territoire russe, je regarderai ce qui s"est passe comme non avenu, et un accommodement entre nous sera possible. Dans le cas contraire, Votre Majeste, je me verrai force de repousser une attaque que rien n"a provoquee de ma part. Il depend encore de Votre Majeste d"eviter a l"humanite les calamites d"une nouvelle guerre.

But the new and unprecedented transformations that took place became the reason for the direct entry of the Russian military into Syria. The importance of this issue lies in the fact that after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end cold war, Russia for the first time undertook military operations outside its borders. This topic raises questions and reflections. Among them is the question, what reasons caused Russia to decide to enter the military sphere in Syria? Or what is the relationship between the entry of the Russian military and the transformations and political events in Syria at the moment? In this three-part series, the shows were designed to explore this issue and look at the relationship between the two countries over the past few decades.

The sudden, violent events in the Middle East that will be remembered as the "Islamic Awakening", in addition to domestic events, had the input and role of various regional and international players. Russia is also one of the players that, in accordance with its interests and goals, and using various instruments, political, economic and military, was able to enter into these events. Despite the crises in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen, in which the Russians showed no serious action or influence, we see a direct and influential Russian role in Syrian events and return to an important part of this long history of the two countries.

Although relations between the Soviet Union and Syria were good and close, but with the collapse of the Soviet Union, relations between the Russian Federation and Syria in the early 1990s reached very low level, the Middle East region was essentially lost to the Russians with its “traditional position and its strategic status.” Thus, from 1989 to 1992, Russian military agreements fell by about 94 percent of the total level of agreements with countries in the Middle East, including Iraq, Syria and Libya. The end of the Cold War also had an impact on this process. In particular, following the Paris summit and countries' commitment to reduce Cold War tensions, Russia renegotiated Soviet-era military contracts. Despite all these events, Syria also remained the focus of Russia's Middle East policy. In recent years, Russia, after the peace talks in Madrid, within the Quartet, has been following the process of peace negotiations in the Middle East. With the advent of talk about Eurasian integration, starting in 1996, political arena In Russia, with such politicians as Yevgeny Primakov and Boris Yeltsin, the Middle East gradually took its place and status. The historic visit of Amir Abdullah, Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia to Moscow in 2003 (the first visit by a Saudi official to Russia in the history of relations between the two countries), Putin's visit to Egypt, the adoption of the Hamas Politburo after achieving power in the Palestinian parliamentary elections in March 2006, historical Putin's visit to the three countries of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Jordan in February 2007 indicates significant changes at this moment in Russia's relations with the countries of the Middle East.

As a result of changes in Russia's Middle East policy, relations between Moscow and Damascus have also expanded in various areas. The death of Hafez al-Assad and his successor Bashar al-Assad in 2000, together with the rise to power of Vladimir Putin in the Russian political structure, led to a parallel development of political relations, bilateral relations in the military field. Sale of MiG-31 fighters, deployment of SS 26 or Iskander missile defense systems to Syria, transfer of the Black Sea Fleet in the Mediterranean and strengthening Syria's defense capabilities with modern weapons, forgiveness of Syria's external debt by 70 percent, with the aim of restoring financial and economic power so that the country can buy Russian military equipment, sending Iskander missiles from the Russian logistics ship and stationed in the port of Tartus, following Turkey's request to NATO to deploy the Patriot missile system in Turkey and equipping the Tartus base as the only Russian military base in the Middle East are considered Russia's most important strategic axis in cooperation with Syria over the past two decades.

In the economic sphere, there are also very close relations between the two countries, the main part of which is Russia's huge investments in the oil and gas sector in Syria. Thus, in 2009 (two years before the start of the Syrian crisis), the volume of Russian investments in Syria exceeded $20 billion. But the onset of the crisis in Syria, which began with protests in Daraa in March 2011 and gradually spread to other parts of the country, has brought the traditional and long-standing relationship between Russia and Syria into a new phase, which could become a turning point in the historical relations of the two countries. During the crisis in Syria, which is spreading more and more every day, Moscow opposes Western countries, Turkey and some Arab countries, with Saudi Arabia at the center, focusing on the political system of Syria, providing political, economic and military support (by sending military, military equipment and providing military advice) to the government of President Bashar al-Assad. There may be a way to strongly support Russia by calling the veto of several Security Council resolutions regarding political system Syria. Russia has continued this process of support since the beginning of the crisis from March 2011 to September 2015.

A new and different topic that takes place in this support process is the direct entry of the Russian military into Syria from September 30, 2015, which is the first Russian military operation outside the former Soviet Union and the current CIS. The entry of the Russian military has changed the entire political equation to such an extent that it can be used as a turning point in the Syrian crisis, which has been going on for four years.

Russia in the Syrian crisis focuses its attention on four main issues, which can be called the position of the Russian Federation in relation to the Syrian crisis. Firstly, Russia does not agree with any Western military action in Syria under the pretext of protecting human rights and democracy, and emphasizes solving the problem through diplomacy. Secondly: Russia respects the independence of Syria and emphasizes that the fate of their country should be decided by the people of this country without foreign interference. Third, Russia supports national reconciliation between Syrian factions and opposes any form of civil war, and fourthly, Russia supports the United Nations initiative to create a national consensus.

The Russian government for several reasons, including maintaining stability in the Middle East region, preventing the spread of terrorism and extremism in the Middle East and its spread near Russian borders, preventing further Western penetration into the Middle East, in particular not to repeat the scenario of Libya, maintaining traditional ties with the Syrian government and protect Russia's political, economic and military interests in Syria (in particular, maintaining the Tartus military base), began strong and widespread support for the Syrian political system, led by Bashar al-Assad, from the very beginning of the Syrian crisis. In general, the Russian government calls the Syrian crisis an internal crisis that began with the arrival of foreign elements and acquired regional and international dimensions. And therefore, issues and conflicts must be resolved through a political process without foreigners. Russia, political regime Syria, led by Bashar Assad, is considered the legitimate government in this country, and despite various decisions to remove Bashar Assad in the process of transferring political power in Syria from Turkey and reactionary Arab countries and the West, Russia emphasizes the role and position of Assad in the current situation in Syria , in order to preserve the integrity of Syria, as well as its role in the process of political transition.